

I. Executive Summary: The Structural Pathology of US Healthcare
The American healthcare financing system is characterized by a structural pathology stemming from the privatization and financialization of both health insurance and healthcare delivery. The origins of this structure are inextricably linked to federal policies designed to promote managed care, specifically the Health Maintenance Organization (HMO) Act of 1973 (Public Law 93-222). While initially conceived as a means to encourage cost-efficient, preventative, not-for-profit models, the subsequent liberalization of requirements and the infusion of capital from Wall Street fundamentally transformed the managed care landscape.
The core economic dysfunction of the resulting system is a pervasive conflict of interest. For-profit health insurance companies, often publicly traded, operate under a legal and financial mandate of shareholder primacy—a fiduciary duty requiring the maximization of returns, dividends, and stock value. This duty directly opposes the social utility of health insurance, which is to pay claims fully and provide affordable access to necessary care. This conflict is systematically resolved in favor of the shareholder, driving costs to exorbitant levels.
Empirical evidence substantiates this mechanism. Between 2001 and 2022, major US healthcare companies distributed a staggering $2.6 trillion in profits to shareholders through dividends and buybacks, representing 95% of their net income. This massive diversion of capital away from system investment or premium reduction stands as definitive proof of the system’s primary financial objective. Consequently, the United States spends nearly twice as much per capita on health care as comparable wealthy nations, with the spending differential overwhelmingly driven by inflated prices for services and excessive administrative overhead, structural hallmarks of a dual for-profit environment.
II. The Genesis of Managed Care: The HMO Act of 1973 and Policy Deviation
A. Policy Context: The Need for Cost Containment in the Early 1970s
Prior to the passage of the HMO Act, the US healthcare system was experiencing accelerating inflationary pressure. The dominance of traditional indemnity insurance, coupled with fee-for-service (FFS) reimbursement methods that relied on compensating providers based on “usual, customary, and reasonable” charges, created powerful incentives for increased utilization and unchecked cost growth.
The concept of managed care, inspired by models like Kaiser Permanente, was introduced as an alternative delivery and financing structure. Proponents viewed it as a non-profit solution designed to emphasize preventative care, integrate service delivery, and, most importantly, control costs by reducing unnecessary hospitalizations and procedures. This new model sought to overcome the incentive structures inherent in FFS, where the volume of services increased naturally when covered by insurance.
B. Key Provisions of the HMO Act (P.L. 93-222)
Signed into law by President Richard Nixon on December 29, 1973, the HMO Act (Public Law 93-222, S. 14) was intended to encourage the establishment and expansion of Health Maintenance Organizations. The federal government provided substantial financial assistance to help these new organizations develop. From 1974 until the termination of federal assistance programs in 1981, approximately $200 million was invested in HMO development. By December 31, 1977, the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) had awarded $131.3 million in grants and loans to 1972 organizations, resulting in 51 federally qualified HMOs.
A critical element of the Act was the “Dual Choice” provision. This mandate required employers with 25 or more employees who offered traditional health insurance plans to also offer federally certified HMO options. This government-mandated market access provided vital legitimacy and ensured a rapid pathway for HMOs to reach the employer-based health benefits market, establishing the foundational role of managed care within private health insurance.
Initial performance under the Act was challenging. A review of 14 HMOs receiving federal assistance through 1977 indicated that while most adhered to operational and service requirements, many faced significant financial hurdles. For instance, six of the 14 reviewed HMOs were assessed as having a poor chance of reaching their financial breakeven point within five years. Furthermore, there were documented exceptions in the area of enrolling high-risk populations, suggesting inherent difficulties in maintaining comprehensive community standards while achieving financial stability.
C. The Critical Policy Pivot: Amendments and Financialization
The financial struggles of early HMOs, compounded by challenges HEW faced in effectively issuing and enforcing regulatory guidelines , set the stage for a critical deviation from the initial policy intent. The 1976 Amendments to the HMO Act significantly liberalized the federal qualification requirements.
This legislative adjustment signaled a shift in priority. When faced with the difficulty of scaling the managed care model under strict, community-focused regulations, policymakers opted to prioritize market viability and rapid expansion by relaxing regulatory barriers. This approach reduced the commitment to the more restrictive, public health-oriented standards that were proving financially demanding.
The liberalization attracted the interest of the private capital market. By 1983, Wall Street began actively favoring the HMO industry. This infusion of private capital enabled rapid expansion and provided necessary liquidity, especially to meet increasing statutory net worth requirements mandated at the state level. Consequently, many not-for-profit HMOs underwent status conversions to become for-profit entities, fundamentally altering the philosophical basis of the managed care movement from a health paradigm focused on service integration to a financial asset driven by returns.
The causal chain is clear: federal seed money and the mandated Dual Choice provision established the foundation for the industry; regulatory relaxation made it an attractive investment vehicle; and Wall Street capital facilitated the widespread scaling and ultimate financialization of the health maintenance model.
III. The Economics of Entrenchment: The Dual For-Profit Healthcare Structure
The contemporary US system is defined by its dual for-profit structure, where both the financing mechanisms (insurers/payors) and the delivery system (hospitals/providers) are increasingly controlled by investor-owned corporations. This structure creates mutual inflationary pressure, where costs are driven upward by providers seeking maximum reimbursement and preserved by payors seeking maximum profit margins.
A. Defining the Dual Structure: Payor and Provider Consolidation
The healthcare market has undergone massive consolidation, both horizontally (mergers between similar entities) and vertically (integration across the care continuum). Leading insurance companies—such as UnitedHealthcare, Cigna, and Humana—have vertically integrated by acquiring provider networks and critical intermediaries like Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs). This convergence creates monolithic entities that exercise unprecedented control over pricing, utilization, and service distribution, often impacting the more than 55% of US physicians who are now hospital-employed, or the 23% who work for other corporate owners.
B. Consequences of For-Profit Healthcare Delivery (The Provider Side)
The financial mandate of for-profit ownership demonstrably impacts both cost and quality in the provider sector.
1. Higher Payments and Failed Efficiency Claims
The conventional argument that the profit motive optimizes care and minimizes costs is contradicted by extensive research into for-profit healthcare delivery. A rigorous meta-analysis showed that investor-owned acute care hospitals generate higher payments for care—an excess of approximately 19%—compared with private not-for-profit hospitals. This 19% excess implies that the fiduciary duty to generate profits for shareholders necessitates higher prices, rather than improved operational efficiency. The structural requirement to produce returns actively drives up national health expenditures. In 2001 alone, this excess cost was estimated to represent $6 billion in waste, illustrating the systemic nature of price inflation driven by corporate mandate.
2. Diminished Quality Through Cost Cutting
The pressure to maximize profits also results in operational changes that compromise patient care. Studies demonstrate that for-profit hospitals are associated with diminished nursing and patient outcomes, largely because they invest less in essential services such as nurse staffing. Patients in for-profit settings receive less nursing care, resulting in worse patient-to-nurse staffing ratios compared to their counterparts in not-for-profit hospitals. This behavior confirms a pattern where the profit motive encourages cost reduction through quality degradation (fewer nurses) while simultaneously maximizing revenue through inflated prices, constituting a dual financial strategy that benefits investors but harms consumers.
3. The Exacerbating Role of Private Equity
The involvement of Private Equity (PE) firms, which typically invest for short durations (four to seven years) and rely heavily on pooled external capital, amplifies the focus on accelerated profit extraction. The PE business model, which involves high-risk strategies and short-term horizons, has rapidly expanded into diverse sectors like home care, dental care, and physician practices. Research confirms that this short-term profit seeking translates directly into higher prices for consumers and insurers. Hospitals acquired by PE firms increase prices by 7-16% and boost profits by 27%; similarly, PE-acquired physicians’ practices increase prices by 4-20%. This targeted strategy ensures immediate financial gains for investors, further contributing to the overall inflationary environment in healthcare.
C. Consequences of For-Profit Health Insurance (The Payer Side)
The consolidation in the insurance sector further entrenches high costs by reducing competition and retaining cost savings.
1. Insurer Market Power and Premium Inflation
Insurer consolidation reduces the number of available payors, granting the remaining large entities substantial market power to negotiate lower reimbursement rates from healthcare providers. While insurers often argue that such growth allows them to pass savings onto consumers, evidence consistently fails to support this assertion. Analyses of insurer mergers demonstrate that while consolidated insurers may achieve lower provider prices, these savings are generally not translated into lower premiums or reduced out-of-pocket costs for members. In fact, studies show that premiums often increase following insurer mergers. This occurs because reduced competition lessens the pressure on insurers to keep premiums low, allowing them to capture the savings and inflate their profit margins instead.
2. The Lack of PBM Transparency
The market for Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs)—the entities managing prescription drug benefits—is highly consolidated, with the top three PBMs (all vertically merged with large insurers) controlling nearly 80% of dispensed prescriptions. This vertical integration creates a systemic lack of transparency regarding drug prices and rebates. This opacity makes it extremely difficult to determine how PBMs leverage their dominant market position to increase profits, potentially driving up costs for both health plans and consumers.
IV. The Fiduciary Conflict: Shareholder Value vs. Social Utility
The fundamental economic mechanism driving unaffordability in the US system is the conflict arising from the mandate of shareholder primacy for investor-owned health insurance corporations.
A. The Economic Mandate of Shareholder Primacy
For publicly traded insurers, the legal and operational imperative is simple: maximize shareholder wealth. This fiduciary duty requires corporate leaders to prioritize profit generation and stock value over minimizing patient costs or maximizing claim payment reliability. Health care, within this context, is treated as a highly valuable “economic good” whose value is measured financially, rather than a “social good” guaranteed by non-profit or public systems. The structure of the market dictates that the pursuit of financial returns supersedes the ideal of providing comprehensive, accessible care.
B. Mechanisms of Profit Extraction: Quantifying Capital Reallocation
The ultimate quantifiable proof of the conflict of interest lies in how net income is allocated. Researchers analyzing 92 large US healthcare companies on the S&P 500 between 2001 and 2022 found a profound imbalance in capital distribution.
Table 1: Health Care Company Net Income Allocation and Shareholder Payouts (2001–2022)
Financial Metric
Total Value (Trillions of USD)
Percentage of Net Income
Implication for Healthcare System
Total Shareholder Payouts (Dividends & Buybacks)
$2.6
95%
Capital diverted from care/premium reduction
Increase in Shareholder Payouts (2001-2022)
N/A
315%
Accelerated prioritization of investor returns
The total shareholder payouts—comprising dividends (direct profit distribution) and buybacks (purchasing company shares to artificially increase value)—amounted to $2.6 trillion. Crucially, this sum represented 95% of the sector’s total net income over that period. This enormous diversion of capital demonstrates that maximizing investment returns is the system’s primary operational goal.
The growth trend further highlights the intensifying focus on investors: overall shareholder payouts increased by 315% between 2001 and 2022. A mere 19 companies were responsible for 80% of these total payouts. This allocation represents an enormous opportunity cost; the $2.6 trillion channeled to investors is capital that otherwise could have been utilized to stabilize or reduce premiums, pay claims more reliably, eliminate patient debt, or invest directly in improved preventative care infrastructure. The high cost of healthcare for the American consumer is, therefore, the direct source of the capital required to fund these massive shareholder payouts, cementing a direct, cyclical link between investor demands and systemic unaffordability.
C. The Conflict in Action: Driving Administrative Friction and Claim Denial
The profitability required for these payouts is secured through twin strategies: revenue maximization (high premiums) and cost minimization (stringent control over benefit expenditures).
Health insurers and payors have powerful financial incentives for denying claims, as every dollar saved in benefit expenditure is a dollar preserved for profit distribution. This inherent conflict of interest is recognized within the legal framework governing plans, such as those covered by the Employee Retirement Income Security Act (ERISA).
The complexity of the claims and appeals process often acts as a financial defense mechanism for the insurer. When claims are improperly denied, the claim administrator may obscure or fail to comply fully with the “full and fair review” process mandated by ERISA. These improper denials often remain unchallenged and undisturbed because the incentives to violate regulations and avoid paying claims are substantial. The highly complex, frictional administrative system—involving sophisticated utilization review and claim denial—is not merely an inefficiency but a feature that actively reduces payout liabilities, thereby protecting the profit margins essential for satisfying shareholder demands.
V. The Affordability Crisis: Comparative Analysis of Cost Escalation
The structural failure rooted in the dual for-profit model manifests empirically in the US’s extreme cost disparity compared to other developed nations.
A. Longitudinal Analysis of National Health Expenditures
Since the passage of the HMO Act, US healthcare spending has escalated dramatically.
Table 2: Growth in US National Health Expenditures Per Capita (1970 vs. 2023)
Year
NHE Per Capita (Nominal $)
NHE Per Capita (Constant 2023 $)
Share of NHE from Private Insurance
1970
$353
$2,151
20.4%
2023
$14,570
$14,570
30.1%
Total National Health Expenditures (NHE) per capita grew from $353 in 1970 to $14,570 in 2023. In inflation-adjusted (constant 2023) dollars, the spending increased more than sixfold, from $2,151 to $14,570. Private health insurance has concurrently grown its share of total spending, rising from 20.4% in 1970 to 30.1% in 2023. Furthermore, private insurers’ spending per enrollee grew by 80.4% between 2013 and 2023, outpacing the growth rates of Medicare (50.3%) and Medicaid (30.3%) over the same period. This trend indicates that the private sector is consuming an increasing share of the nation’s health dollars, and its costs are rising at the fastest rate, directly impacting family and employer premiums.
B. The US Cost Outlier: International Comparison
The US spends vastly more on healthcare than any comparable OECD nation. In 2024, the US estimated spending reached $14,885 per person, which is nearly double the average spending of wealthy OECD peer nations (excluding the US), estimated at $7,371 per person. Despite this unparalleled investment, the US achieves poorer outcomes, including shorter life expectancies and greater barriers to accessing care, signaling a severely inefficient return on expenditure.
C. Disaggregating the Cost Drivers: Price vs. Utilization
The excessive US spending ($5,683 more per person than the OECD average in 2021) is not attributable to higher utilization, but to structural factors related to pricing and administrative overhead.
Table 3: Comparison of Key Health Spending Drivers: US vs. Comparable OECD Countries (2021)
Cost Component
US Spending Per Capita ($)
Comparable OECD Average ($)
Share of NHE from Private US Cost Difference (vs. OECD)
Contribution to Total Spending Gap
Inpatient & Outpatient Care (Prices)
$7,500
$2,969
+$4,531
~80%
Administrative Costs (Insurer Overhead)
$925
$245
+$680
~12%
Medical Goods & Retail Drugs
$1,635
$944
+$691
~12%
1. The Pricing Problem
The overwhelming driver of the cost differential is the price of services. Spending on inpatient and outpatient care in the US totaled $7,500 per person, far exceeding the comparable OECD average of $2,969 per person. This $4,531 difference accounts for approximately 80% of the total spending gap between the US and its peers.
Crucially, this gap is not caused by US patients using more services; Americans experience shorter average hospital stays and fewer physician visits per capita than citizens in comparable countries. The higher spending is directly linked to the dramatically higher prices for hospital procedures, facility fees, and provider-administered medications. The structural presence of for-profit providers, which charge an excess of 19% compared to non-profit entities , and consolidated entities that implement price increases of 7-20% after acquisition , fully explains this profound pricing problem.
2. The Administrative Penalty
The complexity and fragmentation necessary to sustain the for-profit insurance structure impose a heavy burden of systemic administrative waste. US administrative costs (insurer overhead and governmental program running costs) are $925 per person, nearly four times the comparable OECD average of $245 per person.
This administrative excess of $680 per person accounts for 12% of the overall difference in national health spending. Administratively, the US spends 7.6% of its NHE on overhead, precisely double the 3.8% share observed in comparable countries. This double overhead is the quantified cost of maintaining a fragmented, multi-payer system that requires massive investments in marketing, negotiating contracts, complex utilization review, and claim denial processing—all mechanisms essential for protecting profit margins but unnecessary for the delivery of care.
VI. Conclusion and Policy Recommendations for Structural Reform
A. Synthesis of Findings: The Unavoidable Conflict of Interest
The Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 served as the federal catalyst for managed care, initially aimed at cost control through integrated, potentially non-profit structures. However, subsequent policy choices, including the regulatory liberalization in the mid-1970s, prioritized market expansion and financial viability, inadvertently creating an optimal environment for the financialization of health delivery.
The established dual for-profit structure ensures that healthcare costs are maximized at the point of delivery through provider price inflation and consolidation , while consumer access is minimized on the payor side through administrative friction and claim denial. The primary, unavoidable economic driver of unaffordable healthcare costs for Americans is the legal mandate requiring publicly traded health insurers to prioritize shareholder returns. The diversion of 95% of the sector’s net income to shareholders is the definitive evidence that the financial structure of US healthcare is optimized for capital extraction, not public health utility.
B. Policy Pathways to Mitigate For-Profit Behavior
Addressing the deeply rooted affordability crisis requires policy interventions that fundamentally disrupt the financial incentives driving the current structure. Such reforms must aim to rebalance the priorities of health financing away from investor returns and toward patient care.
Recommended Reforms
- Impose Regulatory Caps on Shareholder Payouts: To directly mitigate the fiduciary conflict, legislation should be introduced to establish maximum allowable limits on the percentage of net income that for-profit health insurance companies can allocate to non-reinvestment activities, specifically dividends and stock buybacks. Any capital exceeding this cap should be mandated for reinvestment into premium reduction, direct cost-sharing subsidies, or infrastructure development.
- Aggressive Antitrust Enforcement Against Consolidation: Federal regulatory bodies must vigorously enforce antitrust laws against both horizontal and vertical consolidation in both the payor and provider sectors. Specific attention must be paid to preventing Private Equity acquisitions and insurer-led vertical integration that demonstrably lead to significant price increases (7-20% post-acquisition) without corresponding quality improvements.
- Mandate Administrative Simplification and Transparency: To eliminate the substantial $680 per capita administrative penalty incurred by the US system , policies must pursue aggressive simplification. This includes standardizing billing and payment mechanisms, and crucially, strengthening regulatory oversight (e.g., of ERISA plans) to impose severe financial penalties on insurers for improper claim denials or obfuscation of the appeal process, thereby neutralizing the financial incentive for administrative obstruction.
- Reevaluate the For-Profit Status of Essential Services: Policymakers should assess whether critical components of the healthcare system, particularly acute care hospitals and core insurance functions, are appropriate for investor ownership given the documented evidence of higher costs (19% excess) and diminished quality (reduced staffing) compared to not-for-profit alternatives.
The Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 and Managed Care in the United States
- Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 | History & Goals – Study.com
- Health Maintenance Organization Act of 1973 – Wikipedia
- Implementation of the HMO Act of 1973, as Amended – U.S. GAO
- Health Maintenance Organization Environments in the 1980s – PMC
- Assessing the Evidence on HMO Performance – Milbank Memorial Fund
- Profits and Health Care: An Introduction to the Issues – NCBI
Profit Motives, Consolidation, and Access to Care
- Health Care Company Payouts Favor Shareholders – Yale Medicine
- The High Costs of For-Profit Care – PMC
- For-Profit Hospitals Have Worse Outcomes – Penn Today
- Addressing Healthcare Consolidation in the U.S. – Brown University CAHPR
- Trends and Consequences in Health Insurer Consolidation – Center for American Progress
- HHS Consolidation in Health Care Markets: RFI Response – HHS
Comparative Costs and Outcomes
- How Does the U.S. Healthcare System Compare to Other Countries? – PGPF
- What Drives Health Spending in the U.S.? – Health System Tracker
- How Has U.S. Spending on Healthcare Changed Over Time? – Health System Tracker
- Health Spending: U.S. vs. Other Countries – Health System Tracker
- International Comparison of Health Systems – KFF